Centrumdemocraten (CD)
Nieuwe Nationale Partij (NNP)
Nederlands Blok (NB)
Nederlandse Volksunie (NVU)

The CD always was the biggest and most important. The party was founded in 1984, as a split-off of the ‘Centrumpartij’. Hans Janmaat has been the absolute leader of the party ever since. 
 

   In 1998 the CD joined in local and parliamentary elections again, but only managed to get hold of one seat in the town council of Schiedam (near Rotterdam). After this defeat Janmaat declared the elections were a fraud and the CD was deliberately being kept out of town councils. He considered quitting politics and dissolving his party. 
At the end of 1998 he decided to continue and to join the European elections and the elections for the provinces. The latter took place on the third of March (1999). The CD did not manage to prolong their two seats and only managed to get hold of 0.5% of the votes during the European elections. 

At this moment the CD has lost most of its members. They do not have any visible structure anymore, nor did they publish an edition of their magazine this year (1999). But because of the well-known name of the CD and its leader Hans Janmaat it might be possible that in the future they will be able to get some more votes. 

The political program is a mix of extreme conservatism (more police, harsh laws on crime, introduction of capital punishment, no to drugs), cheap tricks (petrol for half price, no taxes) and racism (no to immigration, no to multiculturalism, national preference: "Eigen Volk Eerst!").

The NNP is the remainder of the former fascist party CP'86. In 1996 this party split into a neo-Nazi wing, which took over the name CP'86, and a fascist wing which main interest was to defend the Dutch culture and to unite the Netherlands with Flanders. The latter continued as the Volksnationalisten Nederland (VNN) and changed its name into NNP last autumn (1998). 

The main characters of this party are former town-councillors of the CP'86, Marcel Hoogstra and Marc de Boer. Although they are not members of the board, they are in total control of the party. The NNP is growing but doesn't seem to be able to get much support. This doesn't seem to be much of a problem for them: the party announced that they will keep a very low profile, because that is the best strategy right now. They try to build up a firm party structure before going public. Their programme is very conservative, makes a stand for the different European cultures and their homogeneity and is opposed to any alien influence. They want a Dutch-Flemish union to oppose the domination of France and Germany in Europe. 
The NNP is supported by the ‘Vlaams Blok’-action group ‘Voorpost’. 
The NNP took part in recent elections for the town council of Breda (a small city in the south of the Netherlands) and got 1.2% of the votes, which was not enough for a seat.

The NVU was founded in 1971 and since 1974 Joop Glimmerveen has been its leader. In the seventies it was the only party with downright racist ideals ("The Hague must become white and safe!"). But when Glimmerveen revealed his sympathy for Adolf Hitler and the NVU became more and more an NS-party, support for the party collapsed and in the end it was forbidden. Due to a mistake in the law, the NVU managed to continue after it was forbidden. But in the mid-eighties it collapsed completely.

The Nederlands Blok was founded in 1992 in an attempt to unite the scattered extreme right. Thanks to CD-leader Janmaat, who wasn't interested in sharing his popularity, this was no success. In 1993 Janmaat expelled his second man, Wim Vreeswijk, from the CD. Vreeswijk then took over the Nederlands Blok and made it a family business, appointing his wife as party-secretary. He managed to become a town-councillor for the party in his hometown Utrecht in 1994. And in the next four years he managed to convince some town-councillors of the CD to leave that party and become a member of the Nederlands Blok. 

In 1998 Vreeswijk prolonged his councillorship with another four years but didn't manage to get hold of any other seats. The party is very small (some dozens of members) and is hardly able to organise anything outside Utrecht. 
The programme of the Nederlands Blok is very conservative and focusses on crime and drugs. It also emphasizes the presumed relationship between crime and drugs on the one hand and refugees and immigrants on the other. The Nederlands Blok gets support from the Vlaams Blok and Vreeswijk visits Vlaams Blok meetings on a regular basis.

Voorpost

After the split in the CP'86 a few of the more clever right-extremists have chosen to quit party politics and devote themselves to building up the new-right organisation Voorpost. The Dutch section of this Flemish 'Greater-Holland' group, that also operates in Southern Flanders (‘Departement Nord Pas de Calais’ in France) and South Africa, works very hard and organises more and more activities. 

Nevertheless the number of activists does not seem to increase (about 150 members). But the leadership is capable, has a good network and, most of all, is partly avoiding traditional extreme right subjects. Especially chairman Marcel Rüter is trying to break through the traditional isolation of the extreme right by picking up items as regional nationalism  (Kurdistan), ethnical nationalism (native Americans) and animal liberation. 

Although Voorpost is capable of growing bigger, at this moment they are targeted by the radical antifascist movement, which gives them severe problems. It is impossible for them to organise meetings in public. Last may a camp of Voorpost was disturbed by an antifascist demonstration and actions in front of the houses of a few leading members were announced. These actions led to a lot of turmoil inside the organisation and at this moment it is unclear if there will be any successes in the near future.

The remainder of the true national-socialist movement in Holland is organised in the Aktiefront Nationale Socialisten, the Dutch branch of Kühnens movement. Its leader, Eite Homan, has been chairman since the end of the 80's.

A last development which has nothing to do with the elections but is a cause for concern, is the development of Turkish nationalism. The Turkish state mosques (Diyanet) are often promoting aggressive nationalism. And the ‘Milliyetci Hareket Partisi’ (Party of National Action) with its militants the Grey Wolves are growing. They are organised in the Netherlands Turkish Federation (of Democratic Idealists). The federation attracts several thousands of followers to its national meetings. Disclosure of its activities has caused serious death threats and assaults.

The near future won't be very hopeful for fascists in Holland. They will not be able to cooperate with each other, nor to achieve the founding of one extreme-right party. 
The polls show that there might be some support for the CD (about 1-1.5%) in the near future. But since none of the fascist parties has any nationwide structure at the moment it is very unlikely they will benefit from this public support.

The antifascist movement in Holland is quite scattered, but there are not too many internal conflicts. Different organisations have different tasks and structures. 

Legalist organisations

There are different groups that are focussing on legal aid for victims of racism. In all main cities there are ‘Anti-discriminatieburo's (ADB's)’ which are supported by a nationwide organisation: ‘Landelijk Buro Racismebestrijding (LBR)’. The LBR gives legal support and advice to all kinds of anti-racist organisations. Furthermore it puts pressure on the government to change laws and to start procedures to ban fascist parties. This lead to the banning of the CP'86, one of the most radical nazi-parties of Holland. 
Furthermore there are different organisations which support and propagate the multicultural society and pluralism. These groups also develop some antifascist activities. For example Magenta organised different large antifascist demonstrations in the past and founded the ‘Meldpunt Discriminatie Internet (MDI)’, which tries to stop racism and fascism on the Dutch-related part of the Internet.

The radical antifascist movement consists of two parts, the archives and the action groups. The archives ‘Fascisme Onderzoeks Kollektief (FOK)’ and ‘Kafka’ publish articles and give information about the far right to action groups, journalists and scientists. 
The action groups are gathered in the nationwide AFA-structure. At this moment a lot of local radical antifascist groups are very low profile, because the extreme-right is so shattered. The nationwide AFA is targeting Voorpost at this moment. The last two years they managed to prevent the two most important Voorpost-meetings from happening. In 1998 Voorpost wanted to commemorate Willem van Oranje, the founder of Holland. An announced AFA-demonstration forced Voorpost to abandon their plans. Last May Voorpost planned a Whitsun-camp for Belgian, German and Dutch comrades. AFA announced demonstrations in front of the houses of four members of Voorpost. This prevented them from going to the camp. Just before this camp started, the AFA found out the location and 200 antifascists went there. The Voorpost-members ran away and the camp was finished. 
 

At this moment there are a few strategies against the fascist structures in Holland that seem to be quite successful. 
First there is a lot of legal pressure. If someone makes racist propaganda, there is a reasonable chance that it will be brought to trial. Recently three prominent fascists have been sentenced because they shouted "Eigen Volk Eerst" (Own people first) and "Vol is Vol!" (full is full) at a fascist demonstration in 1996. Two other members of a fascist party have been condemned to one-month imprisonment because they put racist cartoons on the Internet. Furthermore the fascist parties in the Netherlands are threatened to be banned since the successful ban of the CP'86. 
It is also quite successful to disturb meetings of organisations like Voorpost. On the one hand the media and public will associate Voorpost with fascist activity and on the other hand it disturbs their building up-activities seriously. 

As we can continue this strategy in the near future, it will be very difficult to organise any serious fascist activity in the Netherlands.